If I Had a Island...

If I had an island....

I'd have an open immigration policy for everyone who wishes:

every single weapon would evaporate into minute droplets in the ecosystem

and cleanse the earth of all the past injustices, human suffering and humiliation. 

I'd send boats on a global mission   

to rescue all the people who need protection, 

and issue passports to anyone who wants to live in a safe space -free of hatred.

I'd deploy a million apache helicopters to air lift the weak and the homeless and make a public announcement that would drown out the police sirens

My radio transmission would short circuit the ipods of  adolescents

escaping life's pressures

to reassure them my island welcomes all of  humanity who value: 

diversity, 

dream of uncontaminated rivers, 

imagine a society where drugs are eradicated and education is unlimited,

gasp in awe of everything that is created,

show overwhelming affection toward children, 

refuse to lift a hand when they loose patience, 

put human well-being before self-interest,

aren't motivated by profit or concerned about incentives for pharmaceutical corporations, 

abhor war and every thinkable form of violence, 

detest racism, sexism, homophobia, classism, and ableism 

and desire another world where love is no longer vacated of meaning 

but teems with substance.

If I had an island...

The Preservation of Humanity

For a consecutive week appeals made by medical professionals and relief workers to open humanitarian corridors in Gaza have fallen on deaf ears in the Knesset. International relief agencies report that medical supplies are running fatally low. To compound the situation Israeli forces are bombing underground tunnels, which Palestinians use as a lifeline to transport food and medical supplies. No one is denying the dual use of the tunnels: Hamas uses them to smuggle weapons. But it is aberrant that thousands of ordinary Palestinians are punished for the actions of a minority. 

Both sides in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have incurred casualties during intense fighting between Hamas and the IDF, but the experiences of the wounded are oceans apart. Palestinians are in a more vulnerable state because they have endured the accumulation of discriminatory practices instituted by Israel. On an emotional and physical level they have experienced inequality and structural violence on a yearly, monthly, daily, and minute by minute basis. They are weaker from malnourishment and are more prone to disease as a direct result of deteriorating living standards under economic sanctions. When this string of injustice is wed to their present situation the chances of survival for the wounded are even bleaker. 

Presently in Gaza hospital staff must cope with diminishing medical supplies. Doctors can no longer rely on smugglers to provide them with medicine because Israeli forces are targeting tunnels. In this heightened state of emergency, medical services are over-burdened with escalating casualties, in the absence of humanitarian organizations, because Israel has tightened border controls. All these factors drastically lower the survival rates of wounded Palestinians (besides the general population) in comparison to Israelis who have unrestricted access to relief and adequate medical services. The central thesis is that the asymmetrical experiences of Palestinians and Israelis are structured and not arbitrary. The blockade of medical relief cannot be taken lightly or neutralized in the language of counter-terrorism. No one is preventing wounded Israelis from receiving medical treatment. How can we continue to tolerate the discrimination against Palestinians? 

The practice of administering relief is directly linked to our concept of humanity or what it is to be human. Different interpretations of humanity exist, but they all recognize that humans are sensory beings who experience pain and suffering. To deliberately deny someone alleviation from pain is to reject their humanity, that is, to automatically constitute them as inanimate or subhuman. We don’t need to consult the annals of history to remind us, that once one group has relegated another group to the status of non-human the potential for genocide is greater. Israel’s obstruction of the flow of aid into Gaza must be understood in this context. 

Israel has emphatically declared it is exercising its right as a sovereign nation to defend its citizens from the threat Hamas poses. The common thread woven into all press releases and interviews delivered by Israeli, British and American officials has been the concept of self-defense. Yet, opening the border so that the Red Cross or Medicines Sans Frontier can intervene does not jeopardize the security of their nation. The ban on humanitarian aid is simply untenable. The international community cannot afford to bury its head in the sand or pretend it does not have control over outcomes. We must act in solidarity to pressure Israel to withdraw its forces from Gaza, stop aerial bombing and remove border restrictions now.

Destination Nowhere

In the summer of 2006, Ehud Olmert's horn was muted by the fire-power of Hezbollah. For three consecutive weeks Sheik Hassan Nasrallah's contingent resisted the Israeli Defense Forces that had mounted a land invasion into Lebanon. Olmert's silence, however, contrasted with the cries of Lebanese mothers whose children had fallen prey to military weapons. They understood there are no winners in a bloody conflict. Israel had not suffered humiliation and Hezbollah had not tasted victory, only loved ones had been killed or severely injured. 

With zero gained and a surplus of human degradation, the Lebanon War assumed its rightful place alongside the biggest military blunder of the decade: the US led invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan. In this climate of abject failure, Olmert's popularity plummeted. The Israeli public wasted little time demanding his resignation and Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni filled the ministerial vaccum two years later. 

In 2009, the script has not changed and we are faced with yet another human tragedy. Since Israel began its latest military operation in Gaza, in December, close  to 400 people have been killed. Senior Israeli officials declare the attacks are aimed at destroying Hamas, who are responsible for firing rockets and mortars into bordering Israeli villages. Yet the timing of the military incursion with Israeli elections and the scale of operations suggests the presence of other interests. 

Despite the negative outcome of recent clashes with Hezbollah,  the majority of  Israeli citizens cling onto the notion that Israel has no other alternative but to precision bomb its way to safety. It should come as no surprise then, that on the eve of elections, voters endorse military action to suppress Hamas, rather than seeking a political solution to the problem. In a bid to secure the Knesset in February, the Kadima Party has co-opted the extremist position. Tzipi Livni previously regarded as a dove, by Israeli standards, now mimics the belligerent tone of Benjamin Netanyahu. In a last ditch attempt to prove she has the sway to combat militants and "protect" Israeli citizens, Livni has given the thumbs up for a massive ground and air assault on areas suspected to be Hamas strongholds. 

While her immediate objective of party leadership is attainable, her overarching goal of guaranteeing the security of Israelis is destined for failure. That is, if she continues to rely on military force and not political acumen. In order to solve the Palestinian and Israeli problem Livni must grasp one fundamental equation; Israel's vulnerability is partially a function of  it's own aggressive behavior and inhumane security measures and procedures in Gaza. In other words, Hamas is not going to abandon violence in a hurry, when the majority of Palestinians are hungry, susceptible to disease and confined to a 25 mile strip of rubble.